Don’t believe the blatant lies, the DATA tells the true story
When a Prime Minister claims the housing system is being fixed, the numbers should back him up. In a recent statement, Anthony Albanese pointed to reduced competition for first-home buyers and a 27 per cent rise in investor loans for new builds. Topher Field, in episode 462 of The Topher Project, takes those claims apart with publicly available data.
The result is not a simple rebuttal. It is a careful demonstration of how carefully chosen language can create an impression the underlying figures do not support — and why that matters for people still locked out of home ownership.
Albanese’s short video makes two headline claims. First-home buyers are “facing less competition from investors.” And more investors are taking out loans to build new homes “than ever before,” with a 27 per cent increase in loans for new builds. The conclusion follows neatly: the government is fixing a broken system, giving first-home buyers a fair go and boosting supply.
Topher Field argues both statements are carefully constructed to mislead without being outright false in the narrowest sense. He begins with the competition claim. Less competition is real, he says, but it does not mean first-home buyers are succeeding. Cotality’s most recent final weekly report (week ending 16 August 2026) shows 1,276 auctions across capital cities — 33.6 per cent fewer than the same week a year earlier. Clearance rates sat below 50 per cent, compared with nearly 70 per cent the year before. Put together, the number of properties changing hands was well under half the previous year’s figure. Less competition exists because the market itself has contracted.
Loan data reinforces the point. The Australian Bureau of Statistics release covering April–June 2026 shows overall loan commitments down 5.4 per cent. Owner-occupier loans fell 3.3 per cent, investor loans 8.6 per cent, and first-home buyer commitments 2.9 per cent. Average loan values for first-home buyers rose rather than fell. Field notes these figures exclude refinancing, so they reflect actual purchase and construction activity. First-home buyers are not buying more homes; the ones who are borrowing are not paying less.
The second claim — the 27 per cent rise in investor construction loans — receives similar scrutiny. Field could not locate a government source specifying the baseline. ABS seasonally adjusted data for the June quarter 2026 does show investor construction loans at a record 8,468. A 27 per cent increase, however, only appears when measured against the September 2023 quarter — an odd comparison that the government has not explained. Field therefore treats the percentage as unsupported.
More important, he argues, is the broader construction picture. Owner-occupied new construction loan approvals exceeded 10,000 per quarter for a decade from early 2013 through late 2022. They then fell below that threshold and have not recovered in the years since. Investors form only a smaller slice of total housing construction. Many first-home buyers themselves rely on house-and-land packages that sit in the owner-occupier construction figures. When those numbers lag, overall supply lags.
Field is blunt about the political timing. The sharp drop in owner-occupied construction approvals followed Albanese’s election. He does not claim this proves sole causation, but he presents it as a relevant sequence. Construction remains busy, yet builders face high material and labour costs against fixed-price contracts, with bankruptcies occurring. The market is distorted in multiple directions at once.
His proposed solution is institutional rather than fiscal: reduce planning and zoning restrictions, simplify the building code, and adopt a faster “shell issue” approach for already-approved designs. The housing shortage, in his view, is largely a government-manufactured problem caused by excessive intervention, not insufficient intervention. Misleading statistics that justify further meddling therefore compound the damage.
The episode is strongest when it stays close to the data and the precise wording of the claims. It is weaker when it moves into broader economic causation without additional evidence. Still, the core service is clear: it trains viewers to notice the difference between a comparison and a volume metric, and between a record high and a selective percentage. In a policy area thick with spin, that habit of attention is useful.


